When will Bangladesh overcome the culture of denial?
On April 1, 2025, The New York Times published a report titled “Islamist Hardliners Seize Opportunity to Shape New Bangladesh.” The Press Wing of the interim government’s Chief Advisor termed the report “misleading,” claiming it highlighted selective incidents without considering the broader reality of Bangladesh’s current situation, thereby creating confusion on the global stage.
The Awami League government had brushed aside any criticism regarding the rigged 2018 election. Since Bangladesh’s independence, no head of government, other than Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, has ever admitted to corruption during their tenure. Between 2001 and 2005, Bangladesh topped the global corruption rankings five years in a row, yet the BNP government never acknowledged any wrongdoing. In fact, the BNP had even threatened to shut down Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) for reporting corruption during their rule. Similarly, the Awami League government also dismissed TIB’s reports during its time in office. Unfortunately, the revolutionary interim government led by Dr. Muhammad Yunus appears no different — it, too, cannot break free from this entrenched "culture of denial." Just like its predecessors, the interim government is attempting to downplay various crimes committed by extremists as isolated incidents.
The report’s opening remarks about controlling women’s bodies do not necessarily stem from extremist ideology; rather, these are deeply rooted religious and societal issues, endorsed by both religion and tradition. According to The New York Times, at a rally in Dhaka, Islamist extremists warned the government that any insult to Islam must be met with capital punishment, or else they would execute it themselves. This is a threat reminiscent of ISIS or Al-Qaeda. Another extremist group organized a massive rally in Dhaka, demanding the establishment of an Islamic Caliphate, waving ISIS flags after the July uprising.
Incidents fueled by religious extremism are becoming frequent: a girls’ football match in Taraganj, Rangpur was canceled following threats from a religious leader; matches in Hili, Dinajpur and Akkelpur, Joypurhat were disrupted by extremist mobs. In another case, under extremist pressure, the police were forced to release a man who publicly harassed a woman for not wearing a headscarf — he was later garlanded in celebration by extremists. Public floggings of drug users and the caning of sex workers in front of hundreds reflect the application of Hudood laws. Hundreds of shrines and sculptures have been destroyed, and musical gatherings have been shut down — these are not just political incidents as the Press Wing suggests, but actions fueled by religious extremism. The New York Times describes what is happening in Bangladesh as “waves of reflected fundamentalism.”
Even Nahid Islam, a former government advisor, admitted that there is a real fear Bangladesh is veering towards extremism. The report noted that the Constitution Reform Commission is considering removing the country’s secular identity and restructuring it along more religious lines. Driven by fear of extremists, the commission has even proposed removing the word “secularism” from the constitution. The interim government’s indifference towards mob violence carried out by extremist groups has not gone unnoticed by the public. Although Advisor Mahfuz Alam has repeatedly warned these mobs, including those under the banner of "Touhidi Janata," and the “March for Caliphate” campaign by Hizb ut-Tahrir was thwarted, no significant arrests or visible legal actions have been taken.
The New York Times criticized Dr. Muhammad Yunus for failing to take a firm stance against religious extremism, portraying him as soft-spoken, overly focused on democratic reforms, indecisive in conflict, and lacking a clear vision. However, branding Dr. Yunus as simply “soft” would be a mistake. He is remarkably shrewd. Although he cites his inexperience in governance as the reason behind some failures, it is hard to believe. His political instincts are sharp. He is strategically using this “inexperience” narrative to garner public sympathy while steadily implementing his own plans.
Regardless of The New York Times’ accusations, Dr. Yunus is certainly not a misogynist like the extremists. While religious hardliners seek to confine women to their homes, Dr. Yunus has actively encouraged women’s participation in public life, providing employment opportunities and empowering them to break free from familial and societal chains. A financially independent woman earns respect; a respected woman is free from oppression. Not only Dr. Yunus but almost every government in Bangladesh has worked for women’s empowerment, and today women are key drivers of national progress.
Dr. Yunus’ commitment to women's empowerment is evident: under his leadership, the national women’s football team was awarded the Ekushey Padak, one of the country's highest civilian honors. Additionally, he included four female athletes in his official delegation to Qatar, responding to an invitation from the Qatar Foundation. He has firmly stated that any forces opposing women’s rights will be confronted. However, releasing extremists from prison has understandably raised suspicions about the interim government’s true stance.
Successive governments have, to varying degrees, enabled religious extremism — something The New York Times has also pointed out. It noted that the Awami League government simultaneously tried to suppress and appease extremist forces. This is not untrue; to gain support from religious conservatives, the Awami League facilitated the widespread establishment of Qawmi madrasas. Furthermore, initially indifferent to the murders of bloggers by extremists, the Awami League only took a hardline stance when these incidents risked spiraling out of control.
In 2004, during the BNP-Jamaat alliance’s rule, Siddiqul Islam, alias "Bangla Bhai," a military commander of the Al-Qaeda-linked group "Jagrata Muslim Janata Bangladesh," surfaced, shocking the nation. Bangla Bhai and his men publicly tortured and killed victims by tying them upside down. In the name of eliminating leftists, they abducted and slaughtered numerous people, with only 32 bodies ever identified. Local police and BNP-Jamaat leaders supported Bangla Bhai's atrocities. At that time, Lutfozzaman Babar was the State Minister for Home Affairs. Despite official denials — including claims from Jamaat-e-Islami’s leader Matiur Rahman Nizami that "Bangla Bhai" was a media fabrication — the BNP-Jamaat alliance eventually arrested Bangla Bhai, who was later executed following court verdicts.
Sheikh Hasina, Khaleda Zia, Hussain Muhammad Ershad, and even Dr. Yunus are not supporters of extremism. Yet, for political gain, all have, at times, appeased extremist forces. Religious hardliners also participated in movements against the Awami League government, joining leftist student protests and playing significant roles during violent clashes with police. This likely made it difficult for the interim government to confront their illegal activities decisively — even Dr. Yunus has had to turn a blind eye. Without a political party of his own, Dr. Yunus has been compelled to depend on religious political groups to govern. Religion has long been a major factor in Bangladesh's politics — a fact first highlighted by Shafik Rehman, then editor of the magazine Jaijaidin, some forty years ago. Recognizing this reality, Hussain Muhammad Ershad declared Islam the state religion, a decision no subsequent leader dared reverse.
While The New York Times criticizes Dr. Yunus for failing to crack down on extremism, it also placed him on its list of the world’s 100 most influential people — a striking irony in this complex world full of contradictions.
Ziauddin Ahmed : Former Executive Director, Bangladesh Bank
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